MICHAEL FORSYTH is becoming endearingly mischievous. His appointment

earlier this week of Sunday Times commentator Gerald Warner as special

adviser was the equivalent of administering a laxative to Labour and the

SNP.

On cue Shadow Scots Secretary George Robertson spewed forth that

hiring a right-wing ideologue ''gives the lie to the claim that Forsyth

has learned from his past failures'', while SNP leader Alex Salmond

burst forth with the condemnation that this ''extraordinary appointment

shows Forsyth's mask is slipping''.

But just when they thought it was safe to venture out, the Scottish

Secretary yesterday appointed another special adviser, Brian Meek, The

Herald columnist and -- say it quietly -- pro-devolutionist and honorary

vice-president of the left-leaning Tory Reform Group. The groans of

constipation returned.

Of course, Forsyth could well have announced the appointments the

other way round. That, he anticipated, would not have been as much fun.

Nor would it have guaranteed as many column inches in the newspapers or

soundbites on radio. This was media manipulation which would have made

Max Clifford blush.

After all, when did anyone apart from political aficionados know the

name of a Secretary of State's special adviser, a post as mysterious and

indeterminate as a character from a Michael Dobbs novel. One of the best

in recent years has been Graham Carter, the right-hand man of Malcolm

Rifkind; shrewd, astute, and wise beyond his years but totally invisible

from public view. Warner and Meek will be about as invisible as the

Scott Monument in Princes Street on a clear day.

Although they sit on opposite pews of the broad church of the Tory

party, they do share an acerbity and wit which has been gravely lacking.

They are being tipped as the new St Andrews House equivalent of Laurence

Marks and Maurice Gran, those irreverent co-authors of ITV's sitcom, The

New Statesman.

You can be certain that in future their fingerprints will be found on

all Forsyth's speeches. After all, this will be an important factor in

the Scottish Secretary's attempt to regain lost ground in Scotland. If

poor presentation, rather than policies, is at the heart of the Tories

problems then Forsyth now has two men who can sharpen and hone the

message he needs to get across.

Both will feel it was a pity they had not been appointed a few days

earlier. Otherwise they would have devastatingly mocked this week's

''exclusive'' in the Scotsman which must have startled the nation by

revealing that 20 years ago, as a student at St Andrews University,

Forsyth had actually written a pamphlet extolling the virtues of an

Assembly. Apparently this would now ''haunt'' him. Probably as much as

student communist Denis Healey was haunted when he was Minister of

Defence or at the Treasury.

Their remit, however, extends beyond lampooning the Government's

opponents. They will be expected to submit proposals and alert Forsyth

of the political implications of Government decisions. Viewing

everything from different political perspectives, it is hoped, might

anticipate possible banana skins. As one party wit put it: ''When Gerry

hangs abortionists from the lamp-posts at least Brian will be on hand to

cut them down.''

This is a reference to Warner's opposition to abortion, one of the

many strident views he holds. Although a Roman Catholic he has called

for the sacking of Cardinal Basil Hume for showing sympathy to

homosexuals. He has also attacked nursery education proposals, scorned

''neanderthal socialism'' north of the Border and attacked the Scottish

press, including The Herald, for their ''whingeing'' and opposition to

Government initiatives. Forsyth does believe he gets a bad press and

shares the contempt for socialism, but his views do not reflect

Warner's.

What the two men do share is a tenacity of purpose and the belief that

the Tories can be revitalised. Warner will play a pivotal role in the

Tory courting of the Catholic vote, although some might regard it more

as a ''rough wooing''. The previous Scots Secretary, Ian Lang, had long

been dismayed at the tendency for many Catholics to see Labour as their

natural party when on many issues, like the maintenance of fee-paying

religious schools, the Conservatives were more sympathetic. It was to

this end that preliminary talks were held with Cardinal Winning, and

Forsyth is keen to see this strategy pursued.

As an academic, Warner was the author of a history of the Scottish

Tory party, and has vigorously argued that the party's roots are deeply

embedded in Scottish soil. On a number of occasions he has traced the

genesis of the Scottish Tories to the Jacobites who opposed the 1707 Act

of Union as a sell-out by corrupt Whig landowners.

As ''Cockburn'' of the Sunday Times Scotland diary -- a kind of pukka

Tom Shields (if that is imaginable) although not as funny -- he reported

on many society figures and met many of the movers and shakers of

Scottish business life, another constituency which Forsyth has still to

win over. The Conservatives' relationship with leading businessmen has

been seriously damaged, and unless the Scots Secretary can prove that he

will be more than an 18-month wonder a number have stated privately that

they will continue to keep their distance and court Labour.

But it will be on Brian Meek that Forsyth will depend to build bridges

with the party faithful. Meek is a man of many parts, not just a

journalist but an Edinburgh Tory councillor and rugby enthusiast, who

had handled press relations for the Scottish Rugby Union and who is a

highly entertaining after-dinner speaker.

He played a seminal role in Malcolm Rifkind's early days and remained

close to him when the Pentlands MP became Secretary of State for

Scotland. His wit, ease of mixing at all levels, and his political

acumen is celebrated throughout the party, although some have viewed him

with suspicion because of his pro-devolutionary fervour and -- as Herald

readers will know -- his insistence on speaking his mind, even if it is

against party policy.

Many expected him to be a favoured candidate for Lord Provost of

Edinburgh under the new unitary council set-up but the Conservatives did

badly at the local elections, although arguably better than in other

parts of Scotland. Had he become the city's first citizen he would have

been the architect of a host of projects to raise the capital's profile

along the lines of Michael Kelly's ''Glasgow's Miles Better'' campaign.

It is this innovative thinking, along with his facility for tapping

into the genuine concerns of people, which will be invaluable for

Forsyth, providing him with an accurate barometer of public opinion.

But it is Meek's expertise in one area in particular which has

attracted the Secretary of State -- local government. Forsyth needed

someone on his team who knows his way around the councils. This is

crucial if the Scottish Secretary is to achieve his aim of devolving

more power to this level, thus further blunting the attraction -- and

even the credibility -- of Labour's proposed Assembly, while avoiding

the pitfalls. It would be ironic, indeed, if the devolutionist Meek

proved to be the Assembly's Trojan horse.

''Many people will regard Gerry and Brian as chalk and cheese,'' said

a senior Conservative last night. ''But that is what the Secretary of

State wants. He does not want yes men. He wants those with strong views

yet able to debate them intelligently and have enough nous to think

through the implications of policy.

''Too often a good idea falls flat because it is not put across

properly or there are some hidden pitfalls. There are a lot of ideas

about promoting sport, for instance, on which Brian, I should imagine,

will have a lot to say. The Secretary of State has chosen two men who,

like himself, are not averse to a bit of mischief-making. That will make

it uncomfortable for the Opposition. And if Michael Forsyth can get such

publicity for what is basically internal appointments, just think what

will happen when he announces policy.''